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El Desplazamiento Forzado Interno en Honduras

El Desplazamiento Forzado Interno en Honduras

El Comisionado Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (Conadeh), con el apoyo de la Agencia de la ONU para los Refugiados (ACNUR) presentó un informe especial acerca del Desplazamiento Forzado Interno en Honduras, en el cual indica que hubo una reducción de personas desplazadas por causa de la violencia en el 2017 en comparación a las cifras del 2016. El informe refleja que en el 2017 hubieron 688 denuncias de violaciones de derechos humanos  en los cuales 1,424 fueron afectadas, cifra menor que la mostrada el año anterior -1,796 personas que se vieron obligadas a desplazarse por ser víctimas de violencia. En total una reducción de 372 casos en el lapso de un año. El informe establece que la causa principal del desplazamiento de personas en Honduras es la violencia.

Firearms Trafficking in Honduras

InSight Crime and the Asociación para una Sociedad mas Justa

  • 9 April 2018
  • Posted by: Nicolas Devia
  • Number of views: 507
  • 0 Comments
Firearms Trafficking in Honduras

"Honduras does not produce weapons, but weapons are trafficked into the country in numerous ways. These vary depending on weapon availability in neighboring countries, demand in Honduras, government controls and other factors. They do not appear to obey a single strategic logic, other than that of evading detection, although many of them have a single origin. Nor does arms trafficking appear to be dominated by any one criminal group. In fact, arms trafficking appears to be as much a crime of opportunity for many individuals -- uniformed and civilian alike -- in Honduras as it is an established criminal activity for small and large groups of criminals, many of whom are also involved in other crimes such as international drug trafficking. The varied nature of the trade, the numerous means of trafficking weapons, and the shortfall in controls and regulatory agencies involved in policing it make this a very difficult crime to counter."

Homicides in Guatemala: The Challenge and Lessons of Disaggregating Gang-Related and Drug Trafficking-Related Murders

United States Agency for International Development (USAID)

  • 5 April 2018
  • Posted by: Nicolas Devia
  • Number of views: 416
  • 0 Comments
Homicides in Guatemala: The Challenge and Lessons of Disaggregating Gang-Related and Drug Trafficking-Related Murders

Facing concerning rates of homicide in their countries, the Latin American governments often enact “mano dura” or hardline policies against violence. Those short term remedies to the homicide epidemic in the region are popular and a justification for the use of force on civilians, as well for the increased investment on the armed forces and police departments. Through a discursive process similar to the securitization, governments point the finger at a certain group to rally support for their reactive policies. In Guatemala, the executive branch has made those type of allegations targeting gangs and drug trafficking organizations. The purpose of this study is to determine if those agents are in fact the ones driving the homicide rates in the country. It is imperative to understand the dynamics of homicide to invest carefully in the sectors it is truly needed instead than on the ones that are popular. This is even more important for countries that due to their lack of economic resources need to profit the most form their investments.

Ranking (2017) de las 50 ciudades más violentas del mundo

SEGURIDAD, JUSTICIA Y PAZ: Consejo Ciudadano para la Seguridad Pública y la Justicia Penal A.C.

  • 20 March 2018
  • Posted by: Nicolas Devia
  • Number of views: 918
  • 0 Comments
Ranking (2017) de las 50 ciudades más violentas del mundo

El ranking presentado por la ONG Mexicana “SEGURIDAD, JUSTICIA Y PAZ: Consejo Ciudadano para la Seguridad Pública y la Justicia Penal A.C.” muestra un panorama oscuro para la seguridad en el continente. De las 50 ciudades más peligrosas del planeta 42 se encuentran en América Latina y 4 en Estados Unidos, para un total de 46 ciudades Americanas dentro de dicho ranking. En comparación con el ranking del 2016 se puede evidenciar la disminución de la violencia en Honduras, donde San Pedro Sula disminuyó su tasa en un 54.34% y el Distrito Central contribuyó así mismo en un orden del 43.59%. Al contrario, la violencia en México se encuentra en preocupante aumento: 5 de las 10 ciudades más violentas son mexicanas y de ellas, la más violenta (Los Cabos) experimentó un aumento en sus homicidios de 500% entre 2016 y 2017. La situación en Venezuela es así mismo de especial consideración; la negativa gubernamental a ofrecer datos fiables sobre la violencia impide hacer un cálculo verificable del fenómeno en el país. Aun así, estimaciones conservadoras por parte de organizaciones de la sociedad civil estiman la tasa de homicidios nacional entre 84 y 92 homicidios por cada 100.000 habitantes.

Avoiding the Perfect Storm: Criminal Economies, Spoilers, and the Post-Conflict Phase in Colombia

Juan Carlos Garzón-Vergara

  • 21 February 2018
  • Posted by: Nicolas Devia
  • Number of views: 711
  • 0 Comments
Avoiding the Perfect Storm: Criminal Economies, Spoilers, and the Post-Conflict Phase in Colombia

The possibility of ending the armed conflict in Colombia will depend, to a large extent, on the state’s ability to prevent multiple criminal economies, and inhibit the actors who participate in them from damaging the implementation of the final peace agreements. This article analyzes criminal economies’ ability to destabilize and thereby damage the post-conflict phase, and identifies dilemmas the state must confront in responding to this situation. The article’s objective is to provide an analytical model to understand the complex relationship between actors involved in the peace process and criminal economies, and to thereby identify risks and possible models for intervention. The theoretical referent of this work is the discussion about peacebuilding in fragile states and literature that identifies organized crime as a spoiler. This is the first attempt to apply this perspective to Colombia, and to take the particular characteristics of the country into account while making comparisons with other countries that exhibit similar features in their own post-conflict and transitional phases. The article comes to the conclusion that in Colombia it is necessary to consider Interim Stabilization Measures, which allow the state to provide an effective response that takes advantage of
available resources without losing sight of the need to strengthen local institutions in the mid-term.

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