EDUCATION IN THE
AMERICAS This study was prepared under the direction of the Unit for Social Development and Education of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States. The working group that prepared the study was coordinated by E. Schiefelbein and included P. Schiefelbein, B. Sander, L. Zuñiga, G. Carvalho, B. Edwards, L. Wolff, and M. H. Alleyne. We are grateful for the observations made by N. McGinn, J. C. Tedesco, J. Farrell, D. Winkler, J. C. Navarro, R. McMeekin, and J. Puryear. We thank E. Stagner, G. Alberti, N. Silva, and A. Vargas for their assistance in the review and selection of bibliography. C. Acevedo solved computer problems. M. Schiefelbein and A. Rivas prepared the working documents. N. Ruiz prepared the final text. We also thank CIDE for their help in facilitating access to the REDUC data base, and the University of Santo Tomás and the Editorial Center of the Executive Secretariat for Integral Development for their support. Table of Contents FOREWORDI. Education and the
National and International Panorama II. The
Diagnostic: Strengths, Problems and Causes III.
Policy Priorities IV.
Suggestions for Action in Education V. The
Role of the OAS
The Heads of State and Government of the Americas have proposed that the inter-American community reflect on the value of education and its role in the transition to the new millennium. This decision accords the subject of education a privileged position on the agenda of the Second Summit of the Americas to be held in Santiago, Chile on April 18 and 19, 1998, and rekindles the debate over education in the political, business, education, and social communications fields in the Hemisphere. In fact, universities, international organizations, and research and development institutes have sponsored numerous specialized meetings on the subject of education. These, in turn, have generated studies and research projects on the political and technical challenges confronting the countries of the Americas in this field, particularly in an international scenario characterized by a growing trend toward economic and social globalization. The Organization of American States has participated in this new debate and is prepared to broaden its capacity for hemispheric dialogue on the subject of education policy and scientific and cultural cooperation and exchange among national professionals and institutions involved in education at all levels and forms. In this context, during the twenty-seventh regular session of the General Assembly of the OAS held in Lima in 1997, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Americas decided to include on the Organization's agenda a Meeting of the Ministers of Education of the Member States. The Brazilian government offered to host this sectoral conference, which will take place within the framework of the Inter-American Council for Integral Development and will be held in Brasilia on July 30-31, 1998. Its purpose will be to follow up on responsibilities assigned in the area of education, as agreed upon by the Heads of State and Government in Santiago. For its part, the General Secretariat of the OAS has supported the work of the countries coordinating the subject of education for the Hemispheric Summits --Mexico, Argentina, and Chile-- and, together with representatives of other multilateral organizations and international financial institutions involved in education in the Americas, has participated in the discussions of the regional Ministers of Education and their experts. Moreover, I entrusted the Unit for Social Development and Education with the preparation of this baseline study entitled Education in the Americas: Quality and Equity in the Globalization Process. This study was intended as a contribution to the discussions that took place during the preparatory phase for the Second Summit of the Americas and the subsequent meeting of the Ministers of Education. The study presents an assessment of the general problems and needs that countries are presently facing in the education field. It likewise discusses a series of priority measures for public policy and strategies for educational action. The text leaves no doubt that significant progress has been made in many areas in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly in increased coverage at all educational levels. According to the study's conclusions, education systems have been unable to establish efficient processes to assemble and disseminate the socially relevant knowledge and basic skills that young people need to confront the challenges posed by economic globalization and rapid technological transformation. Another cumulative deficit is the persistent inequity of access to education and the quality of the services offered. This has an unfailing and lasting effect on the most vulnerable sectors of society which are often subjected to discrimination based on their cultural background, socio-economic situation, gender, and special learning or physical needs. Therefore, the great educational challenge for the Hemisphere is that of promoting a quality education for all, especially at the primary and preschool levels. This means, of course, substantial investment and renewed efforts to improve educational administration and teacher training and salaries, to promote curricular reform, and to develop new teaching materials using the latest information and communications technology. I trust that the findings of this study can contribute not only to understanding the problems of education in our countries, but also to the debate over the redefinition of policies for inter-American cooperation in the area of educational reform and innovation. In this sense, the OAS constitutes a forum for inter-American dialogue and a venue for partnership for development that the States have created and perfected over the past five decades. It now serves as a mechanism to stimulate the study and interchange of constructive experiences and to develop alternatives for cooperative action in the education field. I wish to thank the experts from within the General Secretariat and from other eminent institutions and universities who participated in the preparation of this study. I especially congratulate Dr. Benno Sander for conceptualizing the study and Dr. Ernesto Schiefelbein for coordinating it.
César Gaviria Trujillo
Despite some positive experiences, education in the Americas has not responded to the challenges posed by new development models based on international economic competition and by the political, economic, scientific-technological, social, cultural, and moral demands of the 1990s. Today, this lack of response has led presidents and heads of state, the business community, political parties, and the media to make education a new priority in Latin America and the Caribbean. This consensus is based on research findings demonstrating that a good education is closely associated with the development of autonomous, informed, committed, responsible, and tolerant citizens. Research also associates a good education to the expertise, values, and abilities required to adapt or create technological innovations and with the ability to reason and learn independently --in short, the capacity to develop intelligent and productive individuals. Growing concern about quality and equity in education is reflected in numerous declarations, but has not resulted in effective reforms. The importance placed on education is explicit in the Declarations of the first two Hemispheric Summits of Presidents and Heads of State (Miami in 1995 and Santa Cruz de la Sierra in 1996) and those of the first six Summits of Heads of States of the Ibero-American Community of Nations (1991 to 1996). It was also evident in the Assembly of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (1990 and 1992) and the World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995); in the Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995); and during the recent conferences on population (Egypt, 1994) and environment (Río de Janeiro, 1992). The demands currently being placed on education stem from diverse social phenomena. The independence of Anglophone countries in the Caribbean in the 1960s and 1970s, the demise of the de facto regimes of the 1980s, and the advent of democracy in much of Latin America, coupled with contemporary economic development models and rapid technological advancement, demand renewed efforts to compete effectively in the international arena. Initiatives must be taken to overcome extreme poverty, eliminate profound inequalities in income distribution, and prevent social disenfranchisement and urban and rural violence. Socially equitable education can contribute to social integration and stability, to ethnic and racial harmony, to a trained work force, and to the development of a community of informed and responsible citizens. Moreover, an equitable education fosters political tolerance, reduces violence, and, consequently, creates a more propitious climate for national and international investment and social and cultural growth and prosperity. Although primary education is virtually universal in the region, educational reform policies premised on extending national coverage have been shown to be insufficient. Most Latin American and Caribbean children and youth receive a poor quality education. This is particularly true in public schools in disadvantaged urban and rural areas which serve the poorest children in the region (in these areas, private education is nonexistent due to low income levels.) Haiti's situation is unique in that it has numerous free private schools--thanks to foreign donations-- given the low per capita income in the country. Deficiencies in education are observed primarily in high rates of grade repetition and functional illiteracy. Students who remain in school for an average of seven years generally only pass fourth grade and fail to achieve minimum competency in reading and writing. Nonetheless, there are cases in which these deficiencies have been successfully overcome through the adoption of appropriate strategies. Because problems of quality generally affect certain groups with characteristics that compel them to enter the public education system (the only one willing and required to serve them), equity in education can no longer be measured based on coverage alone. It must instead be gauged in terms of "equity in the quality of education," that is, the number of grade levels passed and the quality (compared to the national average) achieved by students from disadvantaged-urban and the poorest rural sectors, minority ethnic groups, and learning disabled children. This requires a closer look at new aspects of education. If the problem of quality is to be solved, it is imperative to identify the factors impeding learning in certain groups of students. And, while additional resources and improved resource distribution are necessary, as is often stressed, it is essential to foster initiatives that reshape the methods used in most classrooms at every level of the educational system. There are factors external to the learning process that influence the quality of education, such as the characteristics of each student, his or her family and immediate environment. Internal factors, inherent to education, also determine whether learning occurs. But these factors operate differentially since, in low income areas, they center on: (i) the most heterogeneous population groups for which the traditional lecture model geared toward an average student is inefficient; (ii) smaller institutions that often do not offer all grade levels; (iii) multi-grade or multi-area classrooms that require individualized attention; (iv) school materials in short supply and not conducive to individualized classes; (v) inflexible curricula unrelated to the students' experience or life situation; and (vi) 40% of teachers lacking degrees and who use memorization and authoritarianism to teach class. It should come as no surprise, then, that three out of four children who leave schools in these areas cannot comprehend what they read from a text. There are also problems of quality in secondary, post secondary and preschool education which are compounded by pressures to increase coverage at each of these levels. Only one in five college professors has the doctoral training necessary to teach at the university level. The report analyzes at length the degree of inequity caused by the different problems identified. For example, 1,000 learning hours during the school year are generally available to private school students in Latin America; in contrast, many public schools offer no more than 500 to 600 hours annually. In CARICOM countries, conversely, public schools generally offer a higher quality education than private schools, particularly at the secondary level. Governments consider improving education a political priority in order to overcome their status as developing countries, since education offered in the region is unresponsive to the demands of the current national and international panorama. There is consensus that the region must offer a quality education to everyone, especially at the early levels, in order to achieve social equity and reduce extreme disparities in income. The technical support required to diagnose problems and to define or choose among alternative solutions, however, is not always available. Governments are convinced that they must offer an education that: (i) equips people with the ability to communicate effectively and to continue to learn throughout their lifetime; (ii) assures them an adequate entry into the workplace; (iii) fosters scientific and technological research for regional development and competitive insertion into the international arena; (iv) eliminates poverty, increases social mobility and leads to a quality of life that ensures social peace; (v) prepares people to become responsible citizens who value peaceful means of resolving conflicts and consensus-building; (vi) is decentralized to the extent that a significant level of community participation in the supervision and administration of local education is possible. Therefore, it is especially important to identify new resources for education, as well as improved distribution of existing resources. Political priorities and the regional diagnostic make it possible to identify certain long-term strategies. A national consensus to integrate and unify the efforts of all social actors around specifically defined strategies is needed to achieve the primary objective of an educational system responsive to current national demands and conducive to sustainable development. The following seven strategic suggestions seem to be appropriate for many countries in the hemisphere: (i) build consensus based on sufficient data; (ii) modernize education administration and establish accountability for outcomes, including the adoption of a system of incentives and structures to evaluate and regulate administration; (iii) increase funding from the public and private sectors to reach 6 to 7 percent of the GNP, redistribute resources appropriately and equitably among the different education levels, and focus on fundamental inputs; (iv) develop an individualized, dynamic, and relevant educational model, which means modifying the teacher's role, the curriculum (content and methodology), and educational materials (especially learning guides) in the regular school system; (v) develop realistic plans to train teachers in the regular school system by replacing the lecture style with a curriculum-based approach, consistent with recommendations, in order to create the capacity to surmount difficulties in learning; (vi) establish doctoral programs to train university professors and to stimulate scientific and technological research and artistic creation; and (vii) invest in the field of science and technology and in selected research institutes. The policy priorities outlined in Chapter Four and the suggestions for government action found in Chapter Five have implications for the OAS role in education. The most important of these can be synthesized into five courses of action: (i) serve as a clearinghouse to compile and share research; (ii) analyze available data and identify trends in education systems in the region; (iii) compare and evaluate development strategies; (iv)) report on consensus-building processes in different countries; and (v) review and select experiences that can be adapted and applied in other countries. With this study of the current situation of education in the Americas, the General Secretariat of the OAS hopes to contribute to the new debate over education in the hemisphere during the preparation of the Summit of Presidents and Heads of State which will take place in April 1998 in Santiago de Chile. The Presidential Summit is, indeed, an excellent opportunity to stimulate the joint undertaking of both local and national educational reform in the context of the social development policies of each country in the hemisphere. It is also an opportunity to propose alternatives for cooperative action in the field of education.
Quality and Equity in the Globalization Process
I. Education and The National and International Panorama
The new development models of the 1990s based on international economic competition, political stability, and personal security, rely mainly on the equitable distribution of knowledge and the intellect of human beings (Thurow, 1996; Birdsall, 1997). These aspects coincide with current political, social and cultural demands. Therefore, to reap the benefits of modern society, today's education system must develop autonomous, informed, responsible, and tolerant citizens. It must cultivate citizens with the values and abilities needed to create technological innovations, the ability to reason and learn independently, and with cultural and artistic creativity. This requires changing the role of the teacher, more time to learn systematically, and educational materials conducive to relevant learning experiences. The media have reiterated that education is not simply a current issue, but rather a political, economic, and social priority for governments and society as a whole. This is reflected in the recommendations of the Hemispheric Summits of Presidents and Heads of State in Miami (1994) and Santa Cruz de la Sierra (1996) and in the agenda for the upcoming Meeting in Santiago (1998) in which education features prominently (Gajardo y de Andraca, 1997a). It is also evident in the Declarations of the first six Summits of Heads of States of the Ibero-American Community of Nations. The Guadalajara Summit (1991) acknowledged that education was the main path toward successful international integration and the Madrid Summit (1992) underscored that "knowledge is the major capital of the 20th century." The Salvador de Bahía Summit (1993) recommended investment in education, health, and social security; the Cartagena de Indias Summit (1994) considered education to be key to achieving equitable development; the San Carlos de Bariloche Summit (1995) declared education to be fundamental to economic development and access to employment; and the Santiago Summit (1996) proposed joint efforts to promote education. The need for educational reform has also been underscored by those in charge of advancing the current economic system (Edwards, 1997). At the 1990 Assembly of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) the region's Ministers of Economy opted for a model of "productive transformation with equity" to reverse traditional development patterns. This model would stimulate productivity through technical progress, and by fostering the convergence of competition and social sustainability (ECLAC, 1990). Later, at their 1992 meeting, the Ministers of Economy recognized that the dissociation between education and knowledge jeopardizes potential progress in development. They suggested intensifying efforts to transform education and training and to increase scientific and technological potential with a view toward developing citizens committed to democracy, equity, and international competition (Londoño, 1995; ECLAC/UNESCO, 1992). Social analysts also recognize the fundamental role of education. At the 1995 World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995) an emphasis on the education of parents, and particularly of mothers, was considered essential to combat the vicious circle of poverty and the academic failure of children, to foster social integration, and to increase productive employment. Similar statements were made at recent conferences on women (1995), population (1994), and environment (1992). To summarize, consensus on the urgency of improving education in Latin America and the Caribbean stems from the need to develop the region. Improved education is necessary to ensure adequate insertion into the international, political and economic arena, as well as to surmount extreme poverty, low productivity, polarized income distribution, exclusion, social, racial, ethnic, and gender inequality, and social violence. A good education is conducive to a well-trained work force and a community of well-informed, responsible citizens. As the World Summit on Social Development affirmed, access to education guarantees social equity, prevents the rupture of the social fabric, and encourages political tolerance. This, in turn, contributes to a favorable climate for investment and social and cultural advancement (Copenhagen, 1995). A brief analysis of the key social issues that require improved educational quality in the region will help to pinpoint specific demands for better education. Most of the region's authoritarian regimes ended during the 1980s and progress has been made during the current decade, almost without exception, in consolidating democracy and building consensus to forge long-range policies. Several countries have established lasting accords containing effective and equitable proposals, with the broad-based participation of different social sectors (UNESCO, 1996b). While cases of direct public consultation through plebiscites have multiplied, political parties have been challenged openly and today's youth are visibly apathetic about building a society that guarantees a functioning democracy, respect for human rights, and the search for equity and peace. The presidents of legislative bodies in the region, moreover, are concerned about the "weakening of Parliamentary functions" (Meeting of Presidents, 1997). There is consensus that more needs to be learned about the role and potential of legislative bodies. And it is widely agreed that the public must be aware of, and influence the debate over issues underlying government decisions in a democratic system (Thesing, 1997), since a country engaged in debate and analysis is a vibrant country (Correa, 1997). All of this suggests that education must cultivate informed citizens willing to participate actively in the democratic process. It must spark the creative potential of the region's inhabitants and ensure a critical approach to information and mass media as well as an ability to build consensus or strike reasonable compromises. In this way, education can encourage citizens to play a protagonist role in government policy decisions. To date, the educational level of the work force has increased at a slower pace in the region than in Southeast Asian countries (Graph 1). Current economic models in Latin America and the Caribbean have permitted several countries to experience rapid economic growth which could come to a standstill unless the quality of their human resources improves, as well as the equity of their human resource development programs (Birdsall, Ross and Sabot, 1995; Kim, 1997). The new development model is based on opening national economies to international competition, maintaining a balance at the macroeconomic level, foreign investment, deregulating economies and job markets, technological innovation, and strengthening national capacity to keep the country competitive (ECLAC, 1992; Tokman, 1995; Castro, 1997b). Industries based on intellectual capacity, however, do not have an inherently predetermined geographical location (Thurow, 1996). Therefore, it is imperative that traditional industries make decisions that maximize the opportunities for Latin American and Caribbean countries. This implies that the level of development and competitiveness attained with this type of economic model will depend largely on the efficiency of each production unit and the decision-making power at each level of organization (Tedesco, 1996). In short, development will depend on better trained and equitably distributed human resources able to adapt to technological changes and recognize and assimilate new information and methods. They must work well autonomously, but also be able to work in teams to analyze and implement new ways of organizing functions and tasks (quality circles) rather than relying on rote knowledge and the mastery of specific skills that become obsolete (Rojas, 1997).
Evolution of Labor Productivity
Note: North American industries increased production as
follows: steel 42% (1985-1989) and 27% (1989-1993); telecommunications 19% (1985-1989) and
28%(1989-1993). Education has a role to play in changing this situation. An analysis of possible solutions must take into account the new debate-already ongoing in developed countries--over how education should respond to the new challenges posed by society as it enters the twenty-first century. The utilization of resources and development produced by the new economic model has failed to improve social equity, which is essential to sustained development (Birdsall and Jaspersen, 1997; ECLAC, 1995). From 1990 to 1994, the poorest 40 per cent of the region's population earned between 10 and 22 per cent of total income compared with 26 to 42 per cent earned by the richest 10 per cent (ECLAC, 1995). The "increase in per capita income" has failed to address social inequalities --which also are present in industrialized and developing countries-- such as: drug addiction, domestic and social violence, pollution, and environmental degradation. Nor has this increase succeeded in eradicating extreme poverty, reducing skewed income distribution, preventing pandemics such as AIDS, cholera, and tuberculosis, or reducing teenaged pregnancy Timely investment in primary and secondary education is less costly in the long run and benefits society far more than spending to counteract the educational deficiencies of those entering the workplace (Psacharopoulos, 1997). Compensatory educational programs for adults are 1.5 to 5 times more costly than four years of regular secondary school (ECLAC, 1995). Moreover, current social policies reflect the belief that education is one important factor in surmounting such problems and at a reasonable cost (Psacharopoulos et al, 1997). Industry-based training constitutes its only sustainable competitive advantage. Rapid technological growth requires the ability to learn throughout one's lifetime and to adapt to change. The scientific and technological revolution is premised on the ongoing discovery of new processes that constantly render existing knowledge obsolete. The existing educational process, therefore, which is essentially based on the transfer and accumulation of knowledge, is incompatible with this historic moment. Memorization of facts and mastery of specific skills has been replaced by the ability to apply them to unexpected situations (Graph 2), adapt to constant technological change, adopt new methods, organize new functions and tasks, and constantly be prepared to assimilate new information and ideas (Haddad, 1997). The profile of the new worker in modern industry includes initiative, responsibility, and additional training in the use of sophisticated, smart tools (Barbee, 1992). The education system must "teach how to learn" in order to prepare people to meet these new challenges (Thomas and Shaw, 1992; Delors, 1996). It must train people to retrieve information from various data storage systems and equip them to identify alternatives and make decisions. More retraining programs and opportunities for continuing education at different stages of life are also needed. New development models and the consolidation of democratic regimes are producing substantive changes in the role of government and public institutions. The role of transnational corporations in the new international development model has directly influenced the role of national governments (Thurow, 1996). The role of government has evolved from a protagonist one of economic administrator or producer to one of creating incentives, stimulating innovations, establishing standards, and guaranteeing genuinely equitable conditions (Braslavsky, 1997). National integration and decentralization --the linchpins of institutional reform (ECLAC/UNESCO, 1992)--call for administrative autonomy and creativity to ensure the effectiveness of the new government role. This can create tensions between the government and the electorate, diminishing the political and institutional effectiveness of the former. Clearly, therefore, it is necessary to strengthen participatory mechanisms that ensure the governability of countries. In the education field, different actors must play an increasingly dynamic role in administration at the central and regional ministerial levels and, obviously, in schools and classrooms (Delors, 1996). Channels and mechanisms must be available to ensure the input and involvement of parents, who have not been well organized in the past. But most importantly, the school must become the space, par excellence, to encourage participation and make decisions pertinent to the educational community (Noddings, 1996; Sander, 1996a). This constitutes a challenge to rigid curricula and traditional authoritarian educational models. Family structure has changed dramatically for numerous reasons including: (i) the decline of the nuclear family and the existence of a significant number of single parent households (usually the mother); (ii) increased urban commuting time; (iii) the audiovisual invasion of homes through television --which leaves less time for personal interaction and often undermines traditional family values and behavioral standards; (iv) the evolution (or mutation) of the traditional male role as income earner and female role as housekeeper; (v) and greater access to consumer credit. As a result, fewer adults are at home to care for the children and help them with homework and school activities, and children spend more time in the streets. These changes create demands for greater education coverage, access to consumer credit, greater opportunity to choose how leisure time is spent, and consistency between school and family behavioral standards. The fact that children must spend more time at school--where their activities are supervised and their need for personal and social interaction met while their parents work--has a tremendous impact on the resources needed for education.
The current decline in population growth is favorable for affirmative action initiatives (serving the poorest sectors). It also means that more resources are available per student. Decreased growth of the younger population, which was registered during the previous decade, (CELADE, 1992) has facilitated universal access to primary education and produced a virtuous circle of development: there is more classroom space available to children and more teaching materials to enhance learning. As the pace of urban migration has slowed, it is no longer necessary to build new classrooms in urban areas while rural classrooms are left vacant. Moreover, it is now possible to turn to the matter of quality. Nonetheless, the population is aging and leaving the labor market (Thurow, 1996), and pressure will soon mount to care for senior citizens. It is to be expected that a quality education, for women as well as for men and vulnerable groups, can prevent unwanted pregnancies among the poorest sectors, thus alleviating another demographic pressure point. It can also contribute to disease prevention to improve the quality of productive life and reduce health costs. As stated at the Conference on Environment (Río de Janeiro, 1993), environmental education furthers the adoption of measures to safeguard sustainable development. Environmental education can be a catalyst to change citizens' attitude and behavior towards the environment. Existing experiences have shown that the most effective programs are those that adopt a local focus to address concrete issues (Edwards, 1993). Our current development models could fail if they do not pay sufficient attention to ethnic and cultural complexities. Although empirical evidence is lacking, there are indications that negligence in this regard could unleash violent conflicts. Cultures that coexist in the region struggle, sometimes at great cost to themselves, to preserve characteristics central to their identity. Some countries, moreover, show signs of growing intercultural intolerance and xenophobia. There is an urgent need to establish new forms of cooperation, exchange ideas, and reach a deeper level of understanding and respect for individual, social, and cultural differences (Pérez de Cuellar, 1996). One important concern in this area has to do with the type of competition that education can encourage without compromising cultural identity and the genuine value of collective human coexistence. Widespread authoritarianism in education, the product of the predominance of lecture style teaching, compounded by the prevalence of vertical, authoritarian institutions in society in general, make it difficult to address these exigencies. Poor outcomes in reading comprehension limit the love of and interest in reading and the ability to understand each other as people or interact with others; a person who cannot read closes a window to the world. Reading and managing information are essential to becoming responsible members of society both nationally and internationally. Education must pay sufficient attention to all minority groups and foster the principles of pluralism, tolerance, and respect for and acceptance of diversity (Delors, 1996) in order to establish harmonious relationships among different groups within each country and with other countries. Education must stimulate dialogue among cultures and value cultural diversity through a relevant learning process with motivating and contextual subject matter (Mayor and Iglesias, 1995). Group activities contribute to genuine respect among group members and teach the skill of developing commitments that incorporate different perspectives (Pratt, 1989; Veenman, 1995). The new development model encourages competition of knowledge and skills to participate actively in public life. However, it also requires public integrity, personal security, and confidence in contractual relationships both nationally and internationally. Development creates expectations for a better life, but can also affect peace to the extent that contradictions, errors, and challenges give rise to doubts, confusion, and social conflict. Society demands a new type of education to resolve these potential conflicts, one which prepares people to contribute to development and consolidate peace even as they assume increasingly complex roles in daily life. Education must teach listening skills followed by the ability to articulate coherent arguments and challenge unfounded assertions without resorting to violence or brute force. Education must also facilitate communication using society's diverse social languages and codes, by understanding the historical processes that define those languages and codes. An "education for peace" makes tolerance, cooperative effort, and understanding a priority since these qualities promote the moral capacity to achieve justice (UNESCO, 1996b). ****
Education must change its current approach by promoting: intellectual autonomy and personal freedom; the ability to analyze and choose alternatives, argue without resorting to force, and understand one's self and others; and, respect for and appreciation of diversity, without seeking passivity, obedience, and conformity. These objectives cannot be achieved through the existing education system, which Paolo Freire described as a "bank pedagogy" limited to the "transfer or deposit of knowledge" to an entire class. Rigid programs that disregard the individual needs of the students must be reformed (Moraes, 1997). Retraining must be provided to teachers who target lessons to the "average" student, evaluate solely the ability to remember facts, require students to listen to them in silence, and do not tolerate differences of opinion (Schiefelbein, 1997c). Contemporary education must offer students the opportunity "to build knowledge through both personal and group activities" because this is the only way to acquire the teamwork skills required by modern business (quality circles). It is, likewise, the only way for students to acquire multicultural sensitivity, and, finally, tolerance and respect for the people around them (De Vries, 1987). Success is possible by building national consensus, just as similar challenges have been met in the past (Pangle and Pangle, 1993). Nonetheless, accomplishing these reforms requires people capable of analyzing broad trends rather than the minutia of daily life (Farrell, 1997a). National and International Challenges that Social Changes Pose for Public Education and Indicators to Help Determine Whether Schools are Responding Effectively.
Source: Stunard, E. Arthur (1997). "The
Chicago Forum at the DeVry Institute of Technology. II. The Diagnostic: Strengths, Problems and Causes Latin American and Caribbean educational systems have achieved virtually universal access to basic education and are beginning to extend available learning time during the school year. Nonetheless, the quality of public school education is incapable of responding to the demands made by political, economic, and socio-cultural development. And, while private schools offer quality programs, they tend to serve only those in the top fifth of the income scale. Although enrollment has become virtually universal and the numbers of illiterate people (self-defined in population censuses) has stabilized, only half of the population in each age group finishes primary school and most of the rest cannot comprehend what they read on a daily basis; they are, in other words, functionally illiterate. These problems are most acute in rural and disadvantaged-urban areas and essentially are indicative of a lack of equity in the system. Research has contributed to consensus in terms of the problems facing education, especially for students from families at the lower half of the socio-economic scale. Poor quality is the result of a deficient learning process produced by: passive methods of teacher training; little access to effective educational materials (nearly exclusive reliance on lecture style teaching); a majority of teachers who choose their career due to inability to enter other fields (the education field is less demanding since teachers earn very little); poor administration; and, centralized funding and supervision that encourages absenteeism among teachers in rural areas. The fact that countries in the region are concerned about education is demonstrated by universalized access to public education --which particularly benefits the most disadvantaged sectors-- and in the increased number of school days per year. Even so, children of under-educated parents are the last to benefit from each improvement (Rojas and Schiefelbein, 1997). In 1991, net school enrollment for children seven to twelve years old was virtually universal (93 percent), and peaked at the age of eight (96.3 percent). This leads to the conclusion that coverage is no longer a problem for the region's education systems. It also accounts for the decrease in absolute illiteracy, which went from 34 percent in 1960 to 13 percent in 1995 (UNESCO, 1968 and 1995); a final push in this regard, however, is still lacking (Gasperini, 1996). Grade repetition rates in Latin America are among the highest in the world (although the rates for Africa and Asia may be underestimated). Average primary school attendance is approximately seven years, but students pass only an average of four grade levels, meaning that they usually repeat three grades (Schiefelbein and Wolff, 1995). Coverage has also increased at each educational level. From 1980 to 1991, the percentage of the population enrolled at the four levels of the formal system --preschool, primary, secondary, and university-- increased in the region from 91.9 million in 1980 to 119.5 million in 1992 (UNESCO, 1994). During this period, preschool and university enrollment showed the greatest increase in the countries in the region, with average annual increases of 7.9 percent and 8.5 percent respectively between 1960 and 1992; these increases significantly outpace the population growth rate of 2.2 percent. Secondary school enrollment increased by 6.2 percent for the same period. Sixty percent of children between the ages of five and six are enrolled in school, and enrollment for seven-year-olds has reached 95 percent of the population (Table 1). There has been a significant increase in the net rate of preschool enrollment: from 2.4 percent in 1960 to nearly 23 percent in the mid 1990s. Forty percent of all five-year-olds attend preschool as well as 25 percent of four-year-olds. However, few children from rural areas (except in the Caribbean) benefit from this educational level (Schiefelbein and Wolff, 1995). Preschool education mainly serves children who will start primary school the following year, live in urban areas, and belong to the middle and upper classes which can afford private programs. Preschool programs serve only a minor percentage of the needs of the most disadvantaged groups and working mothers who require care for their children during the work day (Myers, 1995; Fujimoto-Gómez, 1996). Fifty percent of children between the ages of four and six still are not enrolled in the preschool or primary school system because they live in isolated areas, extremely impoverished regions, or indigenous settlements. Latin America and the Caribbean have achieved universal access to the education system, which indicates that the region is serving youth, both male and female, from all cultures and nearly all disadvantaged households. Only children with special education needs or those living in isolated areas remain to be served. It is worth mentioning that the number of students in the six grades of primary school exceeds the population between the ages of seven and twelve years (gross school enrollment exceeds 100 percent). This means that, in most countries, there is sufficient educational supply to serve the entire population of the corresponding school age, barring repetition. Moreover, the wide range of ages in first grade, which nearly all students begin at age seven, indicates that almost all first graders aged eight and older are repeaters, as well as a large portion of seven-year-olds. A comparison between the number of first graders (17,863,964) and the population of a single age group (fewer than 11 million) illustrates the elevated number of repeaters (close to 50 percent). The high repetition rate, and the fact that 33 percent of "primary school programs are only partial" (UNESCO, 1996b), reduces the possibility of completing this level of schooling, particularly in rural areas (30 per cent of the total). It is difficult for students from low income families to be able to finance the trip far from home to attend a school offering additional grade levels. Thus the percentage of elementary schools offering only some grade levels contributes to inequity of coverage. Table 1, Latin
America and the Caribbean: Enrollment by Age and Grade 1991. The increase in primary school graduates has created constant pressure to improve coverage at the secondary level. The entire school system currently serves 64 percent of the population between ages twelve and seventeen, but only 36 percent of this population is actually in secondary school (net secondary school enrollment--the appropriate level for this age group). The remaining 27 percent of this population is enrolled in primary school because of high repetition rates (since there is no age delay in beginning school: Table 1 shows that, 96 percent of the time, entry into primary school occurs between the ages of six and seven). Grades seven through nine have a gross enrollment of 60 per cent which decreases to 30 percent in grades ten through twelve. This indicates that educational reforms in most countries in the region have extended basic education to eight or nine years. Secondary school has been reduced to the last three years and is envisioned as preparation for college or technical education (UNESCO/OREALC, 1997). The gross enrollment rate in the 1990s is four times higher than it was in the 1960s due to rapid growth. The average annual increase at the intermediate level (6.2 percent between 1960 and 1991) was twice the population growth rate for the corresponding age group (UNESCO, 1996b). During the 1960s and 1970s, enrollment grew by as much as 7 percent, dropping to a 2.6 percent increase in the 1980s. Substantial expansion of secondary schools has occurred in urban areas as a result of pressure from the middle classes seeking an education similar to that of the ruling elite (Rama, 1986). The demand for secondary education in CARICOM countries, which was prohibited during the colonial period, burgeoned when they achieved independence (Alleyne, 1995). Despite increased access, a high level of selectivity is evident in secondary school enrollment. Indigenous youth, and those from rural or depressed urban areas have difficulty entering and remaining in secondary school, which is the level offering the greatest potential for upward mobility. Equity is nonexistent for most of this population group. Currently, there is pressure to offer secondary education to the rest of the population. Policies to expand secondary education have failed in cases where economic development has been too slow to generate sufficient opportunities (Wilson, 1997). However, the high number of unemployed youth (MIDEPLAN, 1997) demands that their time be filled either by social activities or by an education that facilitates the entry of these youth into the workplace. The response of many countries has been to double their secondary school capacity by teaching one group in a morning session and another in the afternoon; this method, however, leaves many young people unoccupied on a regular basis during the "off" session. New strategies, therefore, must take these pressures into account, including: (i) predicted increases in primary school graduation rates; (ii) an expanded concept of basic education (nine to ten years or more); (iii) division into a general studies branch and a technical branch; (iv) increase in overall spending for teachers' salaries; and (v) probable increases in public and private funding (Jimenez and Lockheed, 1995). Some experiences with vocational/technical education have been successful in other parts of the world, such as Japan's vocational training system and the "dual education system" in Germany, which include on-site student training by corporations (Schiefelbein, P., 1994; Wilson, 1997). Nonetheless, the applicability of these experiences in Latin America and the Caribbean requires a thorough analysis of their real potential. Recent technical and vocational education projects in the region reveal a tendency to combine academic and vocational programs, since the economy is eliminating the division between intellectual and manual labor. The school system must do the same. Post secondary and higher education have also expanded remarkably with an annual increase of 8.5 percent between 1960 and 1992. Moreover, education at this level has been extended geographically, has become more institutionally diverse, and offers new specialities. Latin America has a broad and diverse system which includes traditional and new universities, professional or polytechnic institutes, and technical training centers to cope with the growing demand for post secondary education (Brunner 1990; Winkler, 1990; Levy, 1997). CARICOM countries offer higher education to 200 young people for each 100,000 inhabitants (World Bank, 1992). This rate is likely to double or triple during the next decade. Nineteen percent of the population in each age group eventually enters higher education. The high repetition rate during the first two years of higher education tends to be even higher for students who are older when they begin. Students who fall behind at the primary or secondary level tend to have more difficulty completing post secondary studies without repetition (Table 1). The university system in the region, moreover, requires prospective students to choose a career, even though many of them are still unsure about their professional interests. Recently introduced programs similar to the U.S. bachelors degree allow this decision to be postponed (Lolas, 1996). In recent decades, the educational situation of women has achieved parity with that of men in terms of both quality and coverage. Population censuses demonstrate that the wide disparities in schooling between the sexes that was evident in the 1950s has disappeared. A slight discrepancy at the post secondary level, and among certain minorities, persists (Schiefelbein and Peruzzi, 1991; UNESCO, 1995; World Bank, 1995). In several countries, especially in the Caribbean, female enrollment is surpassing that of men at the university level (World Bank, 1992; ECLAC, 1994), although women continue to be disproportionately represented in fields traditionally categorized as feminine (Stromquist, 1996). In many countries, and particularly CARICOM countries, achievement levels are higher for girls than for boys in primary and secondary school (Steward, 1996). This is not the case for indigenous groups in the region: indigenous women remain at a disadvantage in terms of access to education. It is worth pointing out that increasing young women's access to education will contribute to reduced illiteracy by improving support in the home for future generations of children. And, it will have a positive impact on population growth (reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies). The population between the ages of seven and twelve with special needs was estimated at 6 million in 1991 (10 percent of the total regional population in this age group). Of these children, 14 percent are placed in special schools and an estimated 5 percent more attend regular schools but receive special services. However, nearly 50 percent of students with special needs attend regular schools with no special services, a situation which inhibits their personal and social development. (The remaining 30 percent are not yet in the school system.) Special education services are only available in urban areas and some 27 percent are privately owned (UNESCO, 1996b). Ten to 20 percent of the total population have learning disabilities such as dyslexia, attention deficit disorder, physiological problems, or low intellectual capacity). Poor nutrition during the first years of life (especially "in utero") or complications during delivery increase this percentage. Available research shows that the ability to learn is directly related to the nutrition and health of the students (Pollet, 1989; Lockheed and Verspoor, 1991). Children lacking sufficient protein or calories in their diets may experience limitations in the development of their motor and mental skills and learning ability (UN, 1990; Gomes-Neto et al, 1992; ICBF/UNICEF, 1992). If these children receive special attention in time, as is the case in developed societies, they eventually may overcome their difficulties. Lack of resources currently precludes such solutions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Most children in Latin America and the Caribbean receive a poor quality education. Not a single student from Colombia --the only country which participated in the third international study of mathematics and science--appeared in the top ten percentile of the worldwide sample (and Colombia is representative of the Latin American average). The 1992 International Assessment of Educational Progress (IAEP) produced similar results. The emphasis on expanding coverage has resulted in neglect of the educational process itself, and the quality of learning. In Latin America, the quality of education is particularly lacking in the public school system, while in CARICOM countries public schools tend to be better than private schools, especially at the secondary level. In general, public schools serve primary and secondary school students from the poorest sectors of the region and thus do not serve most of the children of public school officials. Now that most countries provide nearly universal access to basic education, there is growing interest in the issues of quality and equity. Attention is now being paid to fundamental learning requirements in order to improve the educational process (Castro, 1996). This implies an education respectful of and sensitive to students' individual differences. Graph 2 reveals significant disparities in educational quality in seven developed countries. It highlights the distinction between "knowledge of facts" and their application in "new situations" (World Bank, 1996). The region figures at the lower echelons in the first area and probably would descend even further in the other two (Wolff, Schiefelbein and Valenzuela, 1993; Schiefelbein, 1995; Puryear, 1996). There is still no consensus in the region on measurements of educational quality, although there are indicators suggesting poor quality at every level. The most widely accepted indicator is the incidence of repetition. Nearly 40 percent of students repeat first grade (Schiefelbein and Wolff, 1995). Since most students begin school on time, the broad age range at each level (Table 1) can only be due to high repetition rates (students nine years old and above in first grade, ten and above in second grade, and so on at each consecutive grade level). This age difference makes the teacher's job more difficult and, in part, accounts for poor quality. In order to understand how the average student progress through the school system, it is necessary to examine the age of entry into first grade and then estimate grade repetition levels and drop-out patterns. Timing of Entry into the School System In most of the region --except for CARICOM countries where children usually begin school at age five-- ninety-five percent of each group of seven-year-olds begin school on time, and at least another 1.3 per cent enter school at age eight (Table 1). This constitutes tremendous progress which should allow teachers to work with a homogeneous group of first grade students. Unfortunately, the large number of students age eight and above in first grade means that most are repeaters (since most began at age seven) who transform first grade into an age-diverse group. This creates a vicious circle of increasing heterogeneity, which can only be broken by programs offering individual attention. Paradoxically, children who attend preschool experience difficulties when they begin primary school, which sometimes cause adjustment problems during the transition; for example, they are not allowed to work in groups, they are seated in rows, and must remain immobile in their seats since the rigid lecture style of teaching is the predominant method. For this reason, one educational priority is to reform the existing learning process at the primary level in order to reduce or eliminate this hurdle and promote improved education of this sector. Relevant experiences that have been successfully applied in the region will be examined below. Grade Repetition: Heterogeneous Classrooms A comparison of total first grade enrollment (17.8 million students) with the population that reaches school age each year (10.5 million) reveals a repetition rate of nearly 7.4 million students (Table 1); in other words, 40 percent of students are repeaters (relative to the total first grade enrollment). In an ideal system, approximately 10.5 million children would begin first grade each year, a similar number would pass and move on to second grade, and a new contingent of 10.5 million would start first grade the following year. It is important to remember that this analysis permits a more accurate estimate of repetition levels; reports by school principals (which are used to prepare the annual statistics for each country) record a student transfer to another school as a "drop-out," even though it often becomes a case of grade repetition when the student enrolls in a new school the following year at the same grade level (UNESCO-SIRI, 1990). In other words, the repetition rates reported by teachers and principals on statistical forms are considerably lower than the actual levels (UNESCO, 1996b). This can also be observed by calculating the difference between gross and net primary school enrollment. Although there are many reasons for grade repetition, it is a clear indicator of poor quality teaching methods except in the final years of each level when students are preparing for examinations to pass to the next level; this is the case at the end of primary and secondary school in CARICOM countries (World Bank, 1992). Teachers hold back any first grade student who cannot decode a minimum number of words. And, although repetition levels have decreased, they are still considered to be excessively high. In 1980, an average of 50 percent of first graders were repeaters in the region's primary schools; this decreased to 43 per cent in 1990, and currently has dropped to close to 35 percent. If this downward trend continues, the figure could drop to 10 per cent in the year 2020. Age diversity in the classroom affects the quality of education by limiting the effectiveness of the traditional lecture style of teaching predominant in Latin America and the Caribbean. Language, cultural, geographic, economic, and social diversity also lead to heterogeneous classrooms. Teachers using the lecture style gear lessons toward an "imaginary average student;" this tends to be more effective with homogeneous groups in which there is little difference between the students and the "average student." Nonetheless, this same method is rendered ineffective in low income areas, where diversity of age (students entering school late and repeaters), intellectual ability, time to study, health and nutrition levels, and parental support make it hard to define an "average student" to teach to (Schiefelbein, 1994). This has led to a perceived need to individualize the learning process and adapt curricula to local and regional conditions. When education is not individualized, reading comprehension drops, repetition rates rise, and age diversity in the classroom increases, making it even more difficult to use the lecture style effectively (Thomas and Shaw, 1992). It is not easy to break the vicious circle created by the diversity of age and abilities (Ezpeleta, 1989) without changing the teacher's role and classroom methods. This is difficult and, in the end, has meant that few students make significant progress in learning. The School Dropout: An Unfinished Education Only half of the students who begin primary school actually finish, leaving dropouts without the minimum reading and writing skills and basic competency in arithmetic (UNESCO/OREALC, 1992; de Ibarrola, 1995). But those who drop out of primary school do so after repeating those grades several times (meaning that drop-out at the primary level should not be confused with having spent only a few years in the system). School drop-out in the region begins at ages nine and ten at a low rate (approximately 1 per cent), growing to 3 per cent at age eleven, and 6 per cent at age twelve. Drop-out become more pronounced at age thirteen (7 percent) and fourteen (10 percent), ages at which pressure to enter the workplace increases. Most likely, though, many drop out because both the students and those responsible for them feel that they are not learning (after repeating the same grades several times), that they are wasting their time at school, and that the workplace, on the other hand, offers an incentive (a salary) for their efforts (García and Hernández, 1992; Anker and Melkas; Schiefelbein, 1997b). Absenteeism is cause for concern, especially in CARICOM countries such as Jamaica and Guyana, where high absentee rates have a negative impact on the effectiveness and efficiency of education (World Bank, 1992). In countries that have conducted assessments, it has been determined that nearly 50 percent of students do not master the minimum objectives of the national curriculum. Few indicators are currently available to assess the quality of education. It has been demonstrated, for example, that primary school students in Colombia use mathematical skills mechanically, without reasoning; they can perform basic operations but cannot use them to solve concrete problems (Aldana, 1997). Only recently have Latin American countries begun to design national systems to evaluate academic performance (Arancibia and Segovia, 1996; Guia Neto, 1997); CARICOM countries, on the other hand, have a longstanding tradition of evaluation dating back to the colonial period. Given that the subjects of mathematics and the official language are considered to be fundamental cultural tools --and their acquisition the minimum objective of any primary education-- emphasis has been placed on measuring performance in these subjects as indicators of quality. Thus, it has been determined that the average public school student achieves only half of the performance levels set forth in the official curriculum and that, conversely, private school students attain nearly 100 percent of the desired levels (Schiefelbein, 1995). (The exception to this are CARICOM countries where public schools offer a higher quality education than private schools.) Appropriate tests to measure quality in mathematics and language have been developed through UNESCO's Laboratory to Measure Educational Quality; preliminary results from eleven countries became available recently. At the same time, five countries have announced their decision to participate in the repeat of the third international study of educational progress in the areas of mathematics and science. Functional illiteracy is now being studied as a problem that adversely affects the competitiveness of countries of the region (UNESCO, 1996a). UNESCO is conducting a regional study which has made it possible to develop measurement tools for mastery of reading and writing and applied mathematics. These tools make it possible to develop a profile of the different types of functional illiteracy existing in these countries. Preliminary results indicate that this phenomenon is linked closely to number of years of schooling and the quality of primary education received (Infante, 1997). The high number of students who do not achieve minimum competency in reading and writing, even after six years of schooling, underscores the urgent need to implement policies to improve the quality of education (Castro, 1997). Countries in the region recognize the need for radical changes in the teaching-learning process, and for qualitative and quantitative increases in the time available for education. It is common knowledge that improving quality in education requires decreases (perhaps by a third) in the use of educational methods based on the transfer and rote memorization of information. Instead, the design and implementation of models and materials for an interactive learning process should be emphasized. The identification of appropriate complementary learning models is a gradual (and sometimes controversial) undertaking which must be based on pertinent research and include the education of new teachers as well in-service training. In this context, the Organization for Economic Cooperation Development (OECD) is promoting an International Survey of the Adult Population, with the participation of countries in the region, to measure the ability to understand written information and use it in daily life. It is important to add that in order to improve the quality of education in the region, strategies for change must be supported by research. Some programs for action which have been implemented --with their respective costs-- have failed to achieve their goals due to insufficient information (McGinn and Borden, 1995). One example that was noted involves a policy to reduce class size (teacher-student ratio) --with the attendant 4 to 6 percent cost increase per student, enough money to provide appropriate learning materials to every student in the class-- which, to date, has failed to reduce grade repetition. Moreover, teachers are "lectured" about the importance of changing from a passive to an active educational model (to enable real learning to take place); in other words, passive teaching methods are used to instruct teachers to use active ones. These teachers are then required to apply active teaching methods without ever having experienced them first hand. Latin America has the most skewed income distribution in the world (CEPAL, 1995), as demonstrated by the fact that its education system has more private schools than any other region. Students from families at the "poorest half" of the income scale are concentrated in low quality public schools offering only three to four hours of class time per day. Students from the middle and upper classes attend private primary and secondary schools for five to six hours per day and achieve at significantly higher levels (except for CARICOM countries, as already mentioned). Problems of quality have the strongest impact on the poorest sectors, minorities, and children with learning disabilities. However, when the socio-economic status of the parents is held constant, differences in academic performance disappear (Schiefelbein and Farrell, 1982). Policy-makers usually place their children in private schools and, therefore, are not affected by their own policy decisions. This could mean that the emphasis placed on private education will leave fewer resources and incentives for public education. The perpetuation of current education policies will make it difficult to close the income gap, with unfortunate consequences for economic development (Edwards, 1995; Londoño, 1996; Birdsall, 1997). Part of the problem is that equity in education has been measured in terms of coverage, which has improved significantly, rather than quality (Farrell, 1998). Low family income, while not a barrier to primary school enrollment, is an effective barrier to adequate academic achievement (ECLAC/UNESCO, 1992; Wolff, Schiefelbein and Valenzuela, 1993; Brunner and Cox, 1995). Therefore, the concept of equity of opportunity must include equity in academic outcomes. This means that all children --irrespective of their social background-- must obtain a good academic education and be able to use it successfully (Farrell, 1998). The majority of socio-economically disadvantaged children are excluded from preschool education and 7 per cent of these children between the ages of seven and twelve are excluded from the primary school system (Table 1). These are children living in isolated or deprived areas, extremely impoverished regions, or indigenous settlements, since the educational supply is concentrated in urban areas. Many of the 7 percent who do not attend primary schools have special needs (approximately 10 percent of the population in this age group presents some type of disability). Their presence in regular classrooms increases the difficulty for the teacher (since the more costly facilities need to attend to their needs is lacking). An analysis by country reveals that very few serve 100 percent of the population. The region serves 96.3 percent of children at any given time, which indicates that half of all special needs students do enter the school system. Most, however, attend schools that cannot meet their needs. Certain children who wish to study at the secondary level to achieve upward mobility have difficulty enrolling and remaining in the system due to the scarcity of schools in their sector. This includes poor children, Amerinds from rural areas, some Asians, and children living on remote islands or in depressed communities (See Table 2). These children may feel shunted aside and distrustful of promises of equity or equality in education. Although an overall average of 35 percent of students repeat first grade, the rate for students at the top half of the socio-economic scale is only 5 to 10 percent, while 60 to 65 percent of students at the bottom half of the scale are held back (UNESCO, 1996b). This can be attributed to a particularly substandard school system in rural or urban-disadvantaged zones (which are only served by public schools). High repetition rates in these schools result from serving children of different ages, abilities, and time and support to study. Classroom diversity requires individualized attention. Teachers cannot provide this attention if they rely solely on the lecture style, which must be geared toward an "average" student in order to teach the entire class at once. In addition, teachers of low income students tend to be less thoroughly trained than those serving students from wealthier socio-economic backgrounds and are often unfamiliar with alternative teaching methods that might facilitate learning (Avalos, 1986). Table 2 Education and Poverty in 1989 Years of Schools of those over 18 Years of Age in Household
Source: G. Psacharopoulos et al, Poverty and the
Distribution of Income in Latin America. World Bank, Public schools are producing a work force unable to comprehend written instructions, which limits its ability to adapt to technological changes. An analysis of responses to questions regarding reading and writing reveals that two out of five students in the fourth and fifth grades do not understand what they read. The situation is bleaker, however, at the bottom half of the socio-economic scale where "three out of four children in the fourth or fifth grades cannot understand what they read." This means that the performance levels attained by the future labor force will not enable it to contribute to national development (Rama, 1992; Birdsall and Sabot, 1994; UNESCO/ OREALC, 1994; Edwards, 1995; Schiefelbein, 1995). Assessments of academic achievement expose raw inequities in the quality of education. While student achievement overall is barely 50 percent of that required by the official public school curriculum, achievement by students enrolled in private schools approaches 100 percent (Graph 3). In fact, the scores of elite private school students are comparable only to average scores in developed countries (Schiefelbein, 1995). In general, nearly half of those with six or more years of schooling have serious difficulties applying their reading, writing and mathematical skills in the workplace. GRAPH 3:
The countries of the region do not offer the intense level of services necessary to successfully serve at-risk children, leaving them predisposed to fail in school. Specifically, the highest percentage of the region's children living in difficult or high risk situations are: child workers, street children, and those living in acutely impoverished or deprived economic and social environments. In such cases, particularly intense services are needed, as well as flexible and varied methodologies, positive attitudes, and a highly motivated and well-trained teaching staff, to ensure that these children attend school and do not drop out. Except in isolated cases, supplementary support programs to alleviate their inordinately harsh living conditions also are absent (Schiefelbein, 1997b). Equity for Women and Minorities Equal access to the school system in the sector has been virtually achieved for girls and young women under the age of twenty-five. Nonetheless, illiteracy levels rates among women in rural and indigenous areas--especially those in higher age groups--continue to be notably higher than for their male counterparts. For this reason, the Ministers of Education recommended in PROMEDLAC II (1987) that policies be developed to address this "deplorable situation that impedes women's realization of their full potential." Investment in women's education and literacy is fundamental to improving family health, nutrition, and education. It also has a positive impact on infant mortality, reproduction and, consequently, on the reservoir of human capital (Birdsall, 1997). The International Conference on Women in Beijing (1995) emphasized that the formal and informal education of women has proved to be one of the most efficient means of achieving development and sustained and sustainable economic growth, which has led countries to endeavor to facilitate women's access to education (UNESCO, 1996b). In CARICOM countries, equity for women has reached the point where girls are achieving at higher levels than boys (World Bank, 1992; Steward, 1996). Nonetheless, discrimination against women persists in qualitative areas of education in the following ways: (i) stereotypical educational materials (Michel, 1987); professional segregation --which affects women's participation in scientific and technological advances--; (iii) the role teachers play in perpetuating existing paradigms; (iv) and the presence of women at the supervisory level of education regionally and nationally (ECLAC, 1994; Stromquist, 1996). Since access to education in Latin America and the Caribbean is virtually universal, most children pass some primary school grades. They do not, however, acquire the knowledge and skills required by modern labor markets. It is important to pinpoint what is keeping children from learning. Therefore, a review of the available research on the relationship between school inputs and the education process is crucial. Research findings from around the world consistently demonstrate a strong correlation between achievement and the socio-economic circumstances of the parents. Research also shows that the factors that most influence learning are: educational materials, time spent on learning (including temporary student absences), teacher training, health, and nutrition. However, improvements in these areas do not guarantee a better education, as demonstrated by cases observed between 1982 and 1990 during which time all of these factors improved and the quality of education remained constant (Schiefelbein and Tedesco, 1995). This suggests the presence of other determinative factors affecting the "learning process in the classroom" which must be examined; they are addressed in this section. It is common knowledge that school systems of high academic quality demonstrate strong internal consistency between curriculum, teaching methods, testing, and instructional materials (Delannoy, 1997). It is also clear that other factors do not significantly influence quality, such as: class size, teacher-student ratio, and the gender of the teacher (Lockheed and Verspoor, 1991). Other factors affecting the quality of education (but whose relationship to quality is minor or less clear) are: poor physical condition of schools, relatively low teacher salaries, and the presence of teachers lacking professional qualifications. These factors are more pronounced in rural areas. The following background information can be compared to policies implemented in the region, which are summarized in Table 3. Student Characteristics, Previous Education, and Environment One of the main factors influencing the learning process are the characteristics of the students and their immediate surroundings. Children belonging to the poorest sectors tend to have difficulty developing intellectually whether because of poor nutrition, lack of family support or resources, or the cultural literacy of the parents (Gajardo and de Andraca, 1988; Fausto and Cervini, 1992; UNESCO/MINEDLAC, 1996). In terms of the student's family and social situation, those from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds living in impoverished-urban or isolated rural areas are particularly affected by the fact that their parents work up to twelve hours daily (Fausto and Cervini, 1992; García and Hernández, 1992; Fujimoto-Gómez, 1996 ) and older siblings often care for the younger ones. This is compounded by parents who never finished primary school, are illiterate or speak an indigenous language, and the scarcity or nonexistence of reading material at home. All of these make it difficult for parents to adequately support children with their school work. The fact that many of these children have not attended preschool also has a negative impact on their school performance (Grawe, 1979; Myers, 1992a-b; Palafox et al, 1992). Finally, once they reach a certain age, these children begin to work (sometimes part-time) to help their families, leaving them less time and energy to study. Most students with poor academic performance levels attend school in rural areas (Wolff, Schiefelbein, and Valenzuela, 1993). Lower income families and unqualified teachers are highly concentrated in these areas, as are small schools --which may not offer all grades and use multi grade classrooms--, and non-individualized teaching methods. The concentration of lower quality resources in rural areas affects equity of quality. One in five of all preschool and primary school teachers lacks a teaching degree. But these teachers are concentrated (40 percent) in schools serving the lower half of the socio-economic scale, while at the top half of the scale, all the teachers have degrees. This undoubtedly contributes to the lower quality of education offered in disadvantaged and rural areas. And, although unemployed teachers with degrees are living in urban areas of many countries, they are unwilling to teach in rural areas because of the low salaries. In these cases it would be useful to experiment with gradual salary increases until licensed teachers begin to apply for these positions. Multilingualism affects education in the classroom, especially in rural areas. Children belonging to minority ethnic or cultural groups often have difficulties because they must learn in a different language and cultural context (Tedesco, 1990; EEC, 1992; Rojas, 1995). There is increasing awareness of the need to take into account the native language and cultures that children bring to the school system when examining the relevance of curricula. Table 3
Note: The seven countries are: Bolivia, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Chile, Paraguay, Perú, and Uruguay. The length of the school day has hovered between 3 and 4.5 hours for decades. High rates of teacher absenteeism and excessive time spent on administrative and bureaucratic tasks, coupled with the salaries needed to cover increased teacher hours and the "availability of educational spaces," have limited the potential for increasing quality by lengthening the amount of time each day available for learning (Ezpeleta and Weiss, 1994). Nonetheless, the amount of time available to learn must be extended: Latin American public schools offer between 500 and 800 hours (150 three-hour days and 170 four-and-one-half hour days) compared to 1,200 hours offered by private schools or schools in industrialized countries (Schiefelbein, 1995). A comparison of the two systems must allow for the days spent on strikes in the public school system (Graph 4). Countries that try to extend the school day have increased educational spaces and rescheduled already allotted spaces (such as physical education and music). The idea of multi grade classes usually is associated with substandard academic performance. However, there is no empirical evidence that multi-grade or multi-area classrooms interfere with students' learning (Veenman, 1995). Moreover, it may be that they contribute to the students' social development and emotional health (Pratt, 1986; Miller, 1990). Current poor academic performance in these classrooms could be attributable solely to the use of methods incompatible with teaching several groups of students in the same classroom. < | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
