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Exclusive
interview with Sergio Caramagna for the e-zine "Americas Forum"
The Peace process in Colombia: Supporting a Sustainable Process
By Janelle Conaway and Luiz Coimbra
Janelle Conaway: In the past few months,
the OAS has joined the process of ceasefire and disarmament of
illegally armed groups in Colombia. The director of the mission,
to aid the peace process in Colombia, is Sergio Caramagna and he
is here with us.
Mr. Caramagna, at what phase is the peace
process in Colombia and what role does the OAS play in this
process?
Sergio Caramagna: The peace process began
with the demobilization of two linked groups, referred to in
Colombia as self-defense forces. One is the “Cacique Nutibara” in
the city of Medellín, and the other, the peasant self-defense
forces of Ortega in the Cauca Mountains in Cajibío. An agreement
between the government of Colombia and the Secretary General of
the OAS has allowed the OAS to take part in these demobilizations.
The OAS has been there since January of this year, throughout the
reintegration process, especially in Medellín, where approximately
860 demobilized paramilitaries are in the process of
reintegration, in compliance with the law and the burdens of
monitoring that represent their return to civil life.
J.C.: We all know that the situation in
Colombia is rather complex due to the long history of internal
conflict, drug trafficking and other problems. After spending a
couple months in the country, perhaps you would be able to give us
an idea of some of the challenges and problems that may lie ahead.
S.C.: To me it seems very important that
they have initiated a peace process which is directed at all of
the groups, illegally armed groups, as they are called in
Colombia. To me this is of the greatest importance because it is
in agreement with the fundamental desire of the OAS to foster
peace in all countries. It also falls within President Uribe and
the Colombian government’s politics of democratic security, which
is producing powerful results. I also believe that this is an
opportunity to demonstrate that this is a new OAS, a committed
OAS, an OAS that does not avoid problems, but rather an OAS that
takes part and intervenes in them with much respect for domestic
processes but also with a great determination to collaborate and
to tell the Colombians that we are with them, we are united with
them. They are not alone and although the situation is difficult
and complex as you have just said, they should be able to find the
solutions within Colombia and we are ready to help them find these
solutions.
J.C.: Why is it important to have this
international help if the problem and the solutions have to come
from the Colombians?
S.C.: Because there is a series of doubts
and concerns regarding this process. Many thought that they could
have had positive results from steps taken in the past with the
guerillas and, unfortunately, for the Colombians and for all of us
who feel the same about Colombia, these mediations failed. It was
a failure, but that doesn’t mean that you can’t persevere and
continue working on it. For the paramilitaries, also known as
self-defense forces, international support is necessary. It is
important that the international community understands and
comprehends that perhaps the demobilization of these groups
represents a first step, a breakthrough, a way in, the key to the
process that will later spread to the rest of the armed groups. We
might remember that one of the excuses and some of the reasons
that the guerrilla groups refused to demobilize was the existence
of those described as paramilitaries, whom they considered to be
threats. In that way, there are even ambassadors and volunteers
who believe the success of the process with the self-defense
forces will subsequently pave the way for peace. We know that it
is complex process, that it is difficult, that it is facing
serious difficulties and concerns because they are mixing some
difficult and complex interests, but it is really necessary to
support them. It is worth the effort and besides, what is
important is that the vast majority of Colombians support this
process. It is not a subjective concern of who is speaking, but
rather it is the result of measuring a state of opinion of the
Colombian people in specific relation to the process with the
paramilitaries.
J.C.: Mr. Caramanga, you were responsible
for a similar inspection process in Nicaragua a couple years ago.
Tell us a bit about how this process functioned and what one can
learn from this experience.
S.C.: Well, to be frank and fair, I am a
student of this process. Remember that the contexts, time and
circumstances are very different. Nicaragua was the first peace
process after the Cold War. It paid the price and we paid the
price of inexperience, having to pave our own path because we
didn’t have previous experience, but I had an advantage. Santiago
Murray was in charge of the Nicaraguan peace process before I
arrived. Santiago Murray is a civil servant with much experience
in the OAS; luckily he still works with the organization and he
opened doors for understanding and participating in the process. I
believe the Nicaraguan experience inspired the Secretary General
to appoint us in Colombia and I was really pleased because the
process in Nicaragua not only consisted of disarmament,
demobilization and reinsertion, the first phase and part of the
process, but also the most difficult phase, helping during the
reinsertion efforts. Those involved in the violence, the
confrontation, the hate and the distrust worked very hard to
acquire a peaceful and humanitarian life, to obtain a job and find
peaceful solutions to the struggles. That was an amazing,
unforgettable experience and because of that my detachment from
Nicaragua it is only on a professional level but not on a
affectionate and personal level.
Luiz Coimbra: The Nicaraguan peace
process was much more advanced whereas the Colombian peace process
is just beginning. Does this mean that you will have to approach
the work in a different manner?
S.C.: It is possible; however, we should
not say that this stage of the peace process is just the
beginning. The Colombians, the Colombian institutions, the civil
society organizations and the communities have extensive
experience in the fields of pacification and conflict resolution.
And so, we were telling the ambassadors of the Permanent Council
that the our first task is to recognize this experience, learn
from the experience of the Colombians, and recognize that both
unofficial and official institutions, the church and the
inspection commissions, are very experienced in several areas. We
have seen it; we have been in contact with them and we are
thinking of deepening our relationship with them. The Colombians
have a lot of experience; the aid of the international community
has been a positive sign, a proof that the process is legitimate,
valid and worth the effort to continue. In Nicaragua we reached
the point where it was time for demobilization of the Nicaraguan
resistance, but we had been involved in the previous electoral
process, which resulted in demobilization. So the monitoring of
the entire Nicaraguan process through all the years began with the
electoral process and continued through demobilization,
reinsertion, and the consolidation of peace. The experiences are
not extrapolated; each town is generating its own experiences. If
there are certain criteria and certain lessons that can help the
Colombians it is that they consider them useful, but the truth is
that we are working hard, we recently began working in the country
and above all we are learning and listening.
L.C.: In Colombia the peace process was
also started by the paramilitaries. Do you think that the process
will continue to include the guerrilla groups as well?
S.C.: I believe the mandate is well
structured and is of the utmost importance. The mandate indicates
that we have to work with all the illegally armed groups. This is
very important, because we are going to avoid suffering the cost
that we suffered in the nineties when we concentrated on
monitoring only one aspect of the conflict. These experiences,
from the nineties, taught us and hopefully will help us to
overcome some of the problems inevitable in such mechanisms and
proceedings. In this sense I am backed by the mandate and its
extent and by the shield that the mandate has in relation to the
themes of the Inter-American Commission with respect to the
monitoring that the Permanent Council of the OAS would like to
have. With regard to monitoring the mandate, the ambassadors of
the Permanent Council proved today, through their tri-monthly
reports that they would like to monitor the issue much more
closely. I would even like to invite them to Colombia so they can
see first-hand what the OAS is doing in terms of pacification;
this would be best.
J.C.: Let’s talk a bit about the topic of
human rights. Many groups in civil society and some countries are
concerned about the respect for human rights within the peace
process. What is the mission doing to guarantee such respect?
S.C.: The mission is listening
attentively to the warnings and the issues raised by human rights
groups. They have to complete a duty; a duty that they pursue
diligently, and I’d like to say to human rights institutions that
the mission has always been open and transparent and will continue
to be so. We have received members of recognized international
institutions and we have been speaking with the Colombian
ombudsman, as well, and with all related human rights entities. I
think it is their role; they should play it upfront and should
understand that the processes of peace have to stay within a
balanced framework because peace and justice are at stake. This
balance is developed only through the decision that the Colombians
want to take. A decision that sometimes is costly, that sometimes
is difficult in the peace process, but one that is important to
make. They are familiar with the cost of peace and we are ready to
talk about the general criteria in reference to justice and
reparation of victims. We are ready to handle these general
criteria and to also put them into action but the cards are in
their hands and the bet is in the hands of the Colombians. Today
they are having in-depth discussions about a new law concerning
alternative punishment, a law which has provoked intense debate
among members of society. There are institutions that function,
there is a state of law that functions and we have confidence in
the state of law and in the intelligence of the Colombians. We
don’t have any reason to get ahead of ourselves by worrying about
the end result. I think that exaggerating the subject of human
rights and to say today that the process isn’t valid and it is
going to violate human rights is a simplistic analysis.
J.C.: The Permanent Council of the OAS
insisted as part of the mandate that the Inter-American Commission
of Human rights be involved. How will you work with the Commission
in this process?
S.C.: First, I am thrilled that the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is advising us in this
aspect. We have already met with the President, Mr. Santiago
Canton (Executive Secretary of the Commission) and his team.
Because there aren’t any precedents in these types of tasks with
the Inter-American Commission, we have already agreed to establish
and search for similar understandings of a mechanism that
preserves the independence of total action of the Inter-American
Commission and that allows us as well to advise about risks and
situations in which the development of the agreements of the
processes of peace are forgotten.
J.C.: Within a few weeks you will be
returning to Colombia. What are the next steps to be taken?
S.C.: The next steps should be to
continue efforts to get an office, a space where the mission in
Colombia can function in Bogotá, and also to pursue the
possibility of continuing to seek support to have offices in the
regions. Why? Because the Colombian conflict like most conflicts
is best understood in the regions. This communication, observation
and relationship with the profound nature of the conflict are how
one can work in the best manner. So all our attention and efforts
are going to be given to the building and strengthening of the
mission as well as to the appointment of people who will assist us
in the mission, professionals who are committed to the Colombian
people and to the OAS.
L.C.: After your first presentation
before the Permanent Council of the OAS, many ambassadors not only
praised the mission, but also insisted that it was specifically
technical and stressed the word “technical”. What are the limits
of a technical mission and what is the scope of it?
S.C.: The mandate is extensive. It is
all-inclusive and it is complete. The mandate must be carried out
in the midst of the development of a peace process, and probably,
and I only say probably, it will be necessary to talk with the
members of the Permanent Council or with the Secretary General,
when possible about the need to adopt it. There can’t be a mandate
that absolutely secures a mission without the mandate needing to
be appropriate for the dynamics and the reality of that process. I
believe that we are given the conditions for this to be so, but
when it is said that the mission is technical, I could say that we
are not going to have a demobilization, we are not going to have
support with the criteria and with the experience that we might
gain in having a demilitarization as transparent as possible, like
the procedure of disarmament in which we already have experienced.
In the 90’s and the years before we assisted an innumerable
quantity of demobilizations and destruction of arms, and the best
method for us to adapt to in this sense, to the general criteria
that have a rehabilitative effect, to put a great effort
afterwards in the submission of arms where few people reside,
because many will go only for the picture when the arms are turned
in and after they’ll leave and the fundamental effort of the peace
is the day after the handover of arms and the work with the
demobilized and with the communities begins. This is basically
technical support; we are not executing this, the institutions
are. In relation to the subject of the communities they are a
substantive part of the mandate that is the reinforcing of
confidence and establishing mechanisms of security in the
communities. The Central-American experience is also very
valuable. We know that where justice isn’t present things are
quite complicated and Colombia perhaps is the extreme case, but in
the Central-American processes where there is little justice,
there are all types of arbitrations and violence and justice is
possible as well, managing it and developing it along with the
communities affected by the conflict. Nicaragua is an
extraordinary example of this. Justice, respect for human rights,
the peaceful resolution to conflicts and the gaining of confidence
in the state institutions are important because definitively, the
analysts, the scholars, and those who have studied these processes
from the beginning say that the absence of the state, the absence
of basic mechanisms of institutionalism are factors which have
contributed to the descent into incredible and brutal violence as
well as derived other types of atrocities. So the reestablishment
of the institutions in these zones, as well is technical work, not
of the OAS, it will be done by Colombian institutions at their own
pace and we are going to help them. Technical aid, as I understand
it, means that while the OAS will play an
active role in the process, the role of the Columbians will be
central to establishing and maintaining peace. The sustainability of the process is if it
is done a la Colombiana, and I don’t want to say that
disparagingly because some have used it disparagingly. I have a
great respect for the Colombians, for their intelligence and for
their institutions and I believe that if this is done in
seriousness and a la Colombiana like the majority of the
Colombians want and dream, the process will be viable and
sustainable.
J.C.: Thank you Mr. Caramanga, we wish
you the best in the upcoming months
S.C.: Thank you.
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