Assistant Secretary General Speech

REMARKS OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY GENERAL AT THE SALISBURY UNIVERSITY, COOPERATION IN THE AMERICAS: FUNCTION AND ORGANIZATION

October 14, 2014 - SALISBURY, MD

As Assistant Secretary General of the OAS, I am pleased to be the first to speak about the Organization of American States, an organization I know quite well, here at Salisbury University located on this beautiful eastern Maryland seaboard.

This evening I have been asked to share with you the Organization’s experience with security cooperation both within its current and future context and the role of the OAS in strengthening hemispheric peace, democratic stability and security for a more prosperous future for all of our citizens in the Americas.

It is always a pleasure for me to participate in this kind of dialogue and interaction with academia. Those who know me well, know that I very much enjoy engaging students, faculty and scholars on many of our most pressing issues, which are not only central to this hemisphere but also to many other continents around the world.

However, before delving into the topic, I want to extend my deep appreciation to Mr. Christopher Ahlstrom, Assistant Professor of Military Science for seeking out the OAS and for putting together a wonderful program for you tonight. Let me also recognize Dr. Allen, Salisbury University Provost for hosting this event and for his kind invitation, and thank Mr. Rick Pollitt, Wicomico County Executive for your presence here as well. To all the faculty, department heads and students, it is indeed a pleasure to be here with you this evening.

Origin and purpose of the Organization of American States

I would like to begin by providing you with a brief background on the Organization of American States, followed by an examination of our role in addressing the complex security challenges this hemisphere faces and the impact of those challenges on peace and development in the Latin American and Caribbean sub-regions. I will end with some key recommendations on how the OAS, and other international organizations, can address these issues going forward.

The OAS, as a multilateral organization is not as well-known as is for example the UN and yet the OAS has led, implemented and contributed to some very important programs and processes in the Americas, particularly in the area of security, democracy and development. In fact, some may not be aware that the OAS is the oldest regional political organization in the world. The Organization was founded in 1948 with the signing in Bogotá, Colombia, of the Charter of the OAS, which entered into force in December 1951.

To a certain degree, the vision of Simón Bolívar – to create a unified Latin America - was realized through the creation of the OAS. For those who may not know, Bolivar was a Venezuelan political leader who played a crucial role in Latin America’s independence from the Spanish. The OAS brings together 34 Member States from the Western Hemisphere—from Canada to Argentina - including 7 countries from Central America and 14 countries from the Caribbean. In addition, the OAS enjoys the observer presence of 68 Permanent Observers from Europe, the Middle East, Asia and Africa, as well as other specialized agencies, all of which provide critical political momentum to the inter-American agenda.

The original purpose of the OAS was to strengthen democracy collectively, while securing a prosperous and safe community of nations in the Western Hemisphere. Today, the four pillars of the OAS are the promotion of democracy and democratic governance, respect for human rights, citizen security and socio-economic development.

What is important to note is that within the OAS, every member state has an equal right to express its views and contribute to the political agenda of the hemispheric body. At the same time, the OAS also functions on the basis of consensus, which means that any country regardless of size or economy can also prevent consensus, for any reason.

The Organization has had its share of financial problems over the decades, but I firmly believe that the OAS is a relevant and necessary institution, which must be strengthened financially and institutionally, so that it can continue its important work.

Today more than ever transnational problems require a multilateral approach and the OAS is the only political platform where 34 countries from the Hemisphere with shared interests and challenges can meet and act collectively.

It is not an easy task to bring together the different political and economic interests of countries and sub-regions under one institution. This diversity, although understandable given the different histories, political and legal systems, economic opportunities and performances, foreign policies, hemispheric relations, etc., makes consensus building sometimes quite difficult for our organization. For example, it is evident that the principal interests of one country or sub-region may be quite different from those of another country or group of countries.

Yet, the OAS is the only organization in which some of the richest countries in the world debate on equal legal footing with others that are among the poorest. When all the members of the OAS do take a stand on an issue, the political message is strong and united as it represents the will of the 33 member governments. This makes for a powerful multilateral organization.

At the same time, the OAS can be hampered by its policy of nonintervention in domestic affairs. This means for example, if there is a concerning internal development within a country, the OAS cannot intervene unless or until that member state officially raises the issue or requests assistance. While the Secretary General can make a statement, no tangible intervention can be made without consensus.

In 2001, Member states made a decision to update the governing principles and operating parameters for the Organization, laid out in the Founding Charter of the OAS, by approving unanimously the Inter American Democratic Charter on the very symbolic date of Sept. 11, 2001.

In the past 15 years, the OAS has embarked on a path of revitalization and change. Through the establishment of successive mandates, the Summits of the Americas, Plans of Actions, the Inter-American Democratic Charter, and institutional restructuring, the OAS has adapted its political and institutional initiatives to respond to numerous challenges both hemispheric and global in nature.

Relevant multilateral changes in the Western Hemisphere

Today, globalization has ensured that what happens in one country is felt in another. Economic uncertainty, poverty and unemployment, crime and violence and the rising cost of living where I am…may affect the peace, stability, development and democracy where you are.

More than any other time in our history, we depend on each other. And while technology has made communication between us easier, meaningful dialogue seems to have become more of a challenge, when tensions develop.

The global architecture for dialogue has become more complex. In the Americas, we have new multilateral institutions for dialogue and policy making. We can find a cross section of new and existing political and economic blocs such as: UNASUR and MERCOSUR, ALBA, ALADI, SICA, CARICOM and CELAC … each bringing together a select group with common interests.

For real multilateralism to work, though, we must recognize that all countries – small or large, rich or poor, powerful or without resources- must be involved in decision making processes. This is why the OAS is so important; it is the only institution that can ensure communication between the North and South, between Central America and the Caribbean and between the Caribbean and South America.

I strongly believe that countries in the region must continue to cooperate multilaterally on addressing shared problems and pursuing common goals. Multilateralism is and continues to be an important vehicle for working collectively toward a common agenda.

Security: a developmental challenge for the Americas:

We are, today, confronted with a historically unprecedented combination of political and governance challenges: the aftermath of the global economic crisis, poverty, inequality and inequity, social exclusion, political tensions, natural disasters, the escalation of internal strife and conflicts in different parts of the world, and the looming threat of climate change and its subsequent impact on life in general.

At the same time, we are told that the developing world has made tremendous progress in reducing levels of poverty and increasing access to basic services and benefits.

Globally, there has been a significant reduction of poverty. According to the World Bank’s Global Monitoring Report of 2013, the proportion of people whose income is less than $1.25 a day fell from 43.9% in 1990 to below 20.6% in 2010.

In Latin America, we have made important progress regarding poverty reduction. According to the CEPAL (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean), in ten years the region reduced the percentage of poor people (excluding extreme poverty) from 43.9% in 2002 to 28.2% in 2012. This amounts to approximately 61 million people who rose out of poverty. As a region, we have reached the target on extreme poverty of the Millennium Development Goals and have cut the amount of people in extreme poverty by half.

This is certainly welcome news for OAS member states, and I am pleased to say that the Latin America and Caribbean regions in the last two decades have been making great strides in economic and political terms.

However, many countries in the Americas continue to struggle with a range of traditional and non-traditional security threats, many of which are cross-border in nature and some of which threaten the ability of governments to govern. In 2003, OAS member states recognized that a multidimensional approach for addressing security threats was vital to sustaining democratic governance and strengthening the foundation of democracy in our societies.

In this context, I believe governments must continue to review how they can better create the conditions for stability and economic growth through a more comprehensive development framework which prioritizes the social and economic needs of societies. Clearly the interdependence of security and development is without a doubt fundamental to the democratic sustainability of all of our countries.

At the OAS we have come to understand that security challenges do not exist in isolation. From drug trafficking to homicides, larceny, kidnapping and even money laundering, security issues in this hemisphere are often linked. In many cases these links exist because of the void or vacuum in our regulatory, economic and governance frameworks and systems.

Current research estimates that transnational organized crime is an $870 Billion a year global business. The international drug trade accounts for an estimated $320 Billion and is the largest single source of illicit income for these groups. They have diversified their activities to include money laundering, intellectual property theft, contraband, cybercrime, the control and exploitation of prostitution, robbery and the sale of stolen goods, illegal mining, kidnapping, extortion, and the victimization of migrants.

In the Americas, 25% of homicides are related to organized crime and the activities of criminal gangs, while in Asia and Europe that figure is just 5%. This is a particular threat to peace and security in the Americas, where in many Central American countries youth view organized crime as an attractive alternative for making a living. In addition, along with drug violence, there is the spread of gang-related violence and the progressive diversification of organized criminal activities in the region, including migrant smuggling, kidnapping, sex-trafficking and extortion (including “taxing” businesses).

This complex security environment is what keeps many of our countries from realizing their full potential and therefore remains a high priority on the agenda of the OAS. For most Latin American and Caribbean countries, the new security agenda now focuses on intra-state problems caused by transnational movements of people and goods. We are witnessing a concerning level of intra-national conflict, where violence plays a major role and affects perceptions of security that go beyond the borders of each state. Citizen security is being seriously threatened by the rise in both organized and non-organized crime.

We are also experiencing a rising level of cyber security threats and vulnerabilities affecting people from all walks of life. Just following news events, we can perceive the increasing number of cyber security incidents occurring around the world, such as attacks against the servers of governments and private companies. During the past several years we have witnessed that new, unpredictable threats to the critical information infrastructure of our nations are happening with frightening frequency, and sometimes with far-reaching and potentially disastrous consequences.

The security gaps in our critical information infrastructure, however, have also yielded opportunities for criminal, and even terrorist, exploitation. Aware of these ever-changing threats to our networks, the governments of the Americas have recently renewed their commitment to strengthening cyber security in the region.

In sum, all of these challenges compounded with such issues as migration, border controversies and disputes, poverty, social and economic marginalization and lack of inclusive political processes, all point to the need for a strategic, hemispheric security paradigm which places development at the center of its focus.

Institutional Arrangements

The OAS is actively engaged in combating Transnational Organized Crime. Our Member States have accepted that a multidimensional response is required to address crime, violence and insecurity. They have also acknowledged that collaborative and coordinated efforts are required to address the multiple problems caused by this scourge. In response, the OAS carries out numerous security programs, which have impacted thousands of lives.

In various countries, we’ve facilitated demining programs. We’ve worked with international partners on disarmament programs to prevent the proliferation of weapons and illegal arms trafficking. We’ve also worked with partners to address the drug problem in creative ways. Just recently we partnered with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to set up its first pilot drug treatment court.

In 2012, at the Summit of the Americas which took place in Cartagena, Colombia, the OAS was entrusted to analyze the drug issue in the Americas. The Organization was commissioned to produce a report on Alternative Strategies for Combating Drugs.

The report has produced an unprecedented dialogue among governments, policy makers and civil society. A Washington Post article cited that it’s the first time that a multilateral organization has done something like this; “to produce a Report that could generate a rethinking of the war on drugs”. The Report, which began with a mandate, has stimulated an open-dialogue at almost every level of governance when it comes to drug policies in the Americas. It is our hope that the Report and the policy discussions which follow, are able to generate opportunity for our policy makers to open their minds to exploring new approaches to interrelated security challenges.

This is just one example where the OAS has been able to generate the kind of policy debate needed to translate ideas into action that pave the way for really winning the war on drugs.

Our work in the region has also produced positive tangible results. We have helped countries set up financial intelligence units to prevent money laundering; we have worked to implement computer emergency response teams to tackle cyber threats; strengthen detection techniques to identify suspicious cargo; worked with countries to identify and expose cases of human trafficking and adopt better techniques to manage risks at airports and sea ports.

For example, CICTE, known as the Inter-American Committee against Terrorism was designed to prevent the financing of terrorist activities, strengthen border controls and increase cooperation among law enforcement authorities in different countries. It’s considered a model for other regional organizations involved in counter-terrorism.

The OAS has made it clear that we believe respect for human rights goes to the very heart of democracy. Without the use of force and with full respect for sovereignty the OAS has tackled some of the most sensitive issues including intra and inter-state conflicts; illicit drug, arms and human trafficking; and promoting democratic values and principles through its multidimensional approach.

This approach has proven to be useful with the work we do in the area of citizen security, which now falls under a revamped department of Public Security. Our new strategic plan will addresses five primary areas of concern:

1) Strengthening police institutions;
2) Preventing crime and violence;
3) Reducing crime and violence;
4) Collecting data on citizen security; and
5) Reforming prison and penitentiary systems.

All of our programs, projects and activities in this area are designed within the framework of human rights, as well as with a gender perspective, and strive to take advantage of existing resources and experiences in order to strengthen cooperation with other regional and international partners.

Finally, the OAS recognizes the value of establishing strategic partnerships. If we are to be successful in tackling the numerous and multifaceted nature of our security challenges, the Organization must continue to strengthen our cooperative efforts with the United Nations, other sub regional groupings like CARICOM and SICA, the private sector and civil society at large.

The future of peace building and democracy in the Western Hemisphere

If our democracies are to continue to grow and strengthen, it will be important to join development and security concerns into a comprehensive policy framework which prioritizes education, human rights and basic social needs of a society. Simply establishing formal democracies with a constitution, the minimal state institutions and regular free and fair elections will not guarantee sustainable development for all.

We are convinced that the solution to the problem of insecurity and underdevelopment is not necessarily more security; more police, troops, prisons or penalties. We know that we are not going to arrest our way out of our social and economic problems. Rather, we need to refocus strategically on other options to keep youth out of the gangs, provide wealth and generate opportunity for all social classes.

We must improve transparency and accountability, enhancing the ability of parliaments to provide for the voice of the people to be heard more clearly and to exercise the necessary checks and balances in open, democratic systems. We must ensure that our executive and legislative authorities become more receptive to inputs from their citizens, including civil society. We must develop more structured and meaningful mechanisms for dialogue on issues of public policy, to allow the participation of civil society, trade unions, the private sector and academia to facilitate more informed, responsive and effective policy making by governments.

Democracy has to create valuable space for public-private dialogue and greater political inclusion, particularly with regard to traditionally marginalized groups, women and our youth.

Education, Youth and Dialogue

It is clear that no country can attain the desired levels of development, political stability and democracy, when a significant percentage of the population is deprived of real opportunities and therefore unable to realize their full potential. Here I am talking about the young people of the Americas.

There is no doubt in my mind that the economic integration of our youth and addressing the dangerous levels of youth unemployment around the world requires urgent attention.

Societies with low levels of security breed environments where gangs and organized crime can operate almost freely. We are witnessing this phenomenon around the globe as governments continue their struggle to find ways of stemming the spread of violence among our youth.

Young people are nearly three times as likely as adults to be unemployed. Therefore, both the private and public sectors must provide avenues for the productive employment of this important and significant segment of our societies, which not only needs to be fed, housed and educated, but also connected to the full range of services available to citizens, all within national budgetary constraints.

Currently, about 20 million young people in the region neither study nor work. They are called ‘Los ni/nis’ in Latin America, an abbreviation of the Spanish phrase “Ni estudian, Ni trabajan”. This group of disaffected, unemployed or underemployed young people– including growing numbers of recent college graduates - is creating a lost generation. Many of them are left to their own devices, from very young ages and, as a result, feel socially excluded, turning to crime and violence in order to survive. According to the ILO, almost 80 percent of common street crimes in Latin America are committed by individuals between 12 and 25 years old.

In the Americas, the primary social base of support for drug-trafficking is the disaffected youth population which continues to be neglected by society. Until we address social exclusion and create meaningful opportunities for our youth, countries will not be able to effectively and holistically combat the ability of criminal organizations to undermine democratic institutions and legitimate sources of authority through their recruitment and criminal socialization of young people.

Governments and international aid have to go beyond short term law enforcement measures and move toward a thorough understanding of the underlying causes of crime and violence in society. This will allow governments and civil society to form a stronger foundation for effecting structural changes which target youth education and employment as key elements of a more long-term strategy for a more inclusive and effective development paradigm.

The OAS has taken seriously the need to support the future generations of its member states, in other words, our youth of today and of tomorrow. I strongly feel the Organization must work at every level to combat the negative socialization of young people through active and positive engagement with them.

Under my leadership, the Organization has implemented an OAS youth strategy, which calls on the Organization to prioritize youth as a cross-cutting issue in all our activities. We have ensured that youth is taken into account when drafting policy, designing and executing projects and programs, and when evaluating the impact of this assistance on the youth. We also have some longstanding flagship programs which underscore our firm commitment to youth development and empowerment. These programs work on a spectrum of needs, from children’s rights to youth training.

In the area of children’s rights, the Organization has had an Inter-American Children’s’ Institute (IIN), which has existed since 1927, has been fighting tirelessly for the rights of children and adolescents throughout its long history. The OAS fully realizing that the wellbeing of young people was crucial to the long-term growth of the Americas, invited the IIN to become part of the OAS as a specialized Organization in 1949 as a result of “its value, usefulness and prestige.”[1]

In the area of youth training, the Organization organizes 3-4 Model OAS (MOAS), programs a year. This is a simulation of how the OAS functions within the framework of its General Assembly and the Permanent Council. The Models are directed toward high school and university students from all over the Americas, as well as for Interns of the OAS. This program seeks to promote the work of the OAS and at the same time train students in such important communication and leadership skills as, negotiating, debating, consensus-building and approving resolutions dealing with important issues of the inter-American agenda.

Finally, we have also held an annual Youth Conference for the last three years. Our goal has been to provide an important dialogue platform for the youth of the Americas to come to the OAS and discuss critical issues that affect their development and future economic, social and political opportunities.

In closing, and looking into the future, I strongly believe, that as our regions look for ways to position themselves in what I would loosely term an emerging new world order – others might say, disorder - and strive for more just and equitable societies, we should work toward three primary goals:

1)Focus on a more holistic, integral and sustainable development paradigm that takes into consideration the interdependence and inextricable link between peace, security and development in an ever- changing global environment. One that is not only geared towards profit making, but that has at its center the human and creative potential of our societies, one that aims at equality and equity, one that promotes the sustainable use of the existing natural resources.


2)Find mechanisms for greater cooperation and strategic alliances between governments, private sector, civil society, international and regional organizations. And maybe it is also time to reconsider the purpose, mandates and actions of global and regional multilateral frameworks, so as to promote a more inclusive dialogue on global governance through a stronger and reinvigorated multilateralism.


3)Broaden the participation of all sectors of society, especially youth, women and other marginalized segments in our societies, through equitable democratic inclusion.

Finally, regarding the security threats that many of our countries face, all countries stand to benefit from supporting neighbors who do not have the means to effectively counteract the threat posed by international organized crime and drug trafficking. It is therefore in the interest of ALL in the Americas to work together to limit or eliminate destabilizing forces that can threaten stability, peace, prosperity and security.

By providing a trusted space for consultation, negotiation and partnership, the Organization of American States can help bring the countries of the Americas together to work towards a safer, more peaceful and prosperous Hemisphere.

I thank you for your attention.